The Clinton ‘Wall’ at the Justice
Department
By Frank Salvato
May 10, 2007
"After a thorough reading of the report it would not be unreasonable
to conclude as I have that there was a cover-up at high levels of our
government and, it appears to have been substantial and coordinated...The
question is why? And that question regrettably will go unanswered. Unlike
some other cover-ups, this one succeeded.” – Independent Counsel David
M. Barrett on the censoring of The Barrett Report.
If you have been experiencing a sneaking suspicion that there is a lot
of one-sided interest where investigations into political malfeasance are
concerned at the US Justice Department, you’re not alone. From the
aggressive prosecution of ‘Scooter’ Libby for having a bad memory to the
powder-puff prosecution of Sandy Berger for stealing and then destroying
unique documents related to terrorism and 9/11 from the National Archive,
it seems that the catalyst for a thorough investigation – at least where
politicians are concerned – is directly influenced by which political
party the alleged offender belongs to.
Much to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s dismay, the “culture of
corruption” is an equal opportunity enticement. For every Duke Cunningham
there is a William Jefferson and for every one Tom Delay who resigns from
office there are two Diane Feinsteins who refuse to do so. Point
being, a good many politicians walk a fine line between pushing the
ethical envelope and crossing the line into illegal activity.
The authority that is supposed to hold everyone accountable to the laws
of the land – politicians and citizens alike – is the United States Justice Department. Under the direction of
the United States Attorney General, the USJD is supposed to “ensure fair
and impartial administration of justice for all Americans.” This empowers
the USJD with the awesome responsibility of holding our elected officials
accountable for any misdeeds that violate the laws of our country.
But the Office of the US Attorney General is a cabinet level
department, an appointed position, thus it is a political office, albeit a
professional political office. Further, the administrators of this
department are chosen and appointed by the president. Mid-level positions
through the clerical ranks are administered by the Office of the US Attorney General
making them more prone to political favoritism the further up the
professional food chain you go.
Recent events bring light to the political aspect of the US Justice
Department in part because of the aggressive prosecution of some politicos
alleged to have broken the law and the passive concern and almost
disinterest in prosecuting others, the divining factor seeming to be the
perpetrator’s political affiliation.
The Barrett Report
In January of 2006, Independent Counsel
David Barrett released what is commonly referred to as The Barrett Report, an investigation into the facts
surrounding the allegation that former Clinton Administration Housing
Secretary Henry Cisneros failed to pay income taxes on "hush money"
payments he made to a mistress. The allegations, if proven to be true and
successfully prosecuted, would have found Cisneros convicted of 18 felony
counts charging conspiracy, obstruction of justice, fraud and perjury.
Cisneros pled guilty to a misdemeanor count of lying to the FBI (a
division of the USJD) about the cash payments and accepted a plea bargain
(authorized by the USJD) in the form of a $10,000 fine instead of facing
the potential 90-year prison sentence his conviction would have
required.
The authority to investigate and prosecute this case – before
Independent Counsel Barrett was seated – fell upon Lee Radek, the head of
the Justice Departments’ Public Integrity Unit, a division that is charged
with investigating and prosecuting allegations of criminal misconduct by
public officials. Radek was elevated to his post by Jo Ann Harris, Justice
Department Criminal Division Chief, who was appointed to her post by
President Clinton.
To paint Radek as a political operative wouldn’t be a stretch.
▪ Radek’s family was politically connected to the Clinton-Gore
campaigns through financial channels that included DNC rainmaker Patrick
O’Connor and Terry McAuliffe.
▪ He actively opposed the naming of a special prosecutor in the 1996
Clinton-Gore ‘Chinagate’ scandal.
▪ Radek ordered the termination of an investigation into illegal
fundraising by then Vice President Al Gore that took place at a California
Buddhist temple.
▪ He refused to investigate a three-way quid-pro-quo scheme involving
the Teamsters Union, the Clinton White House and the Democratic National
Committee.
Radek is significant to The Barrett Report not only because of his lack
of an aggressive prosecution in the Cisneros case but because he offered
"little in the way of cooperation" to Independent Counsel Barrett’s
investigation.
In the end, there was enough uncooperative foot-dragging by Radek and
his cohorts at the USJD that legal wranglers were given enough time to
secure a court order that effectively redacted 120 of the most damning
pages of the report.
Barrett is quoted as saying, “Enough high-ranking officials with enough
power were able to blunt any effort to bring about a full and independent
examination of Cisneros' possible tax offenses in the face of what seemed
to many to be obvious grounds for such an inquiry."
In contrast, the USJD cooperated fully with Special Prosecutor Patrick
Fitzgerald to literally facilitate the creation of a crime in the
“questionable at best” Valerie Plame case. In this instance America
witnessed the USJD and a special prosecutor completely ignore the
discovery of the person who actually leaked Ms. Plame’s identity to
columnist Robert Novak and instead prosecuting ‘Scooter’ Libby for having
a bad memory.
The Investigation into Hillary Clinton’s Campaign Finance
Fraud
As exposed in The New Media Journal original series,
The
Fraudulent Senator, USJD prosecutors – specifically Janet Reno appointee
Noel Hillman, who replaced Lee Radek who was re-tasked as Senior Counsel in the
Asset Forfeiture and Money Laundering Section – played a significant role in
diverting attention from the largest case of campaign finance fraud in American
history.
The result of
Mr.
Peter F. Paul’s FEC complaint that the Hillary Clinton Senate 2000 Campaign
under-reported by over $700,000 his in-kind contribution of a $1.2 million
Hollywood gala event and fundraiser was an amateurish prosecution of the wrong
man.
The USJD’s Office of Public Integrity indicted the campaign’s national
finance director David Rosen on three counts of election fraud. The problem with
this indictment is that Rosen wasn’t legally required to file any reports and
did not sign the reports that were filed. The resulting trial ended with Rosen’s
acquittal. The jury found that Rosen wasn’t responsible for the filing,
spotlighting a glaring oversight by USJD prosecutors. Or was it?
The signature required on the FEC filings was that of the campaign
treasurer, Andrew Grossman. In December of 2005, Grossman entered into a secret
agreement with the FEC allowing him to admit culpability in filing false reports
and commanding him to pay a $35,000 civil fine. To this day the USJD has not
charged Andrew Grossman with anything even though he testified under oath –
perjuring himself – in Rosen’s trial that he never heard of an event costing
over a million dollars.
Logic mandates that either the USDJ's Public Integrity Office was so inept
that it didn’t research the protocol for FEC financial statements – an
unbelievable contention for an office charged with investigating and prosecuting
allegations of criminal misconduct by public officials – or they purposely
charged the wrong man as a diversionary tactic until the 2000 campaign was over,
Hillary Clinton had won and Grossman was able to satisfy his transgression with
the FEC. Of course, that doesn’t explain why the USJD didn’t pursue criminal
charges against Grossman.
In contrast, the USJD went after Randall ‘Duke’ Cunningham with a zeal
usually reserved for members of al Qaeda. In 2005, Cunningham pleaded guilty to
accepting $2.4 million in illegal income and underreporting his income for 2004.
He pleaded guilty to federal charges of conspiracy to commit bribery, mail
fraud, wire fraud, and tax evasion. Cunningham, a 21-year officer in the US Navy
and a Vietnam War flying ace, received a sentence of eight years and four months
in prison and an order to pay $1.8 million in restitution.
Clinton lies about $700,000 and the USJD doesn’t even sneeze. A true war
hero – not like John Kerry or
John
Murtha – admits his guilt and goes to jail for almost a decade. The inequity
is glaring.
Would You Like Unique and Sensitive Files with that Mr.
Berger?
In October of 2003, former Clinton National Security
Advisor Sandy Berger, in preparation for his 9/11 Commission testimony,
removed and then destroyed unique and classified documents pertaining to
the Clinton Administration’s knowledge of terrorist threats to the United
States.
Berger described his removal of the unique documents initially as “an
honest mistake.” But as details emerged courtesy of a report titled, Sandy Berger's Theft of Classified Documents: Unanswered
Questions compiled by the US House Committee on Oversight &
Government Reform it became clear that Berger’s efforts were well thought
out and tantamount to an attempt at obstructing the 9/11 Commission’s
investigation.
Berger not only removed unique documents in his briefcase and socks, he
positioned additional unique documents at a construction trailer on site
for later retrieval. His actions required planning and forethought,
therefore they were premeditated.
In the report, National Archives Inspector General Paul Brachfield
testified that he had met with USJD trial attorney Howard Sklamberg from
the public integrity unit. The purpose of Brachfield’s meeting was to
inquire as to whether the USJD had notified the 9/11 Commission of
Berger’s actions, the possible connotations of those actions and whether
the USJD had established what documents had been taken and destroyed.
Brachfield’s answers would come in a troubling phone call.
On March 22, two days before Sandy Berger’s testimony to the 9/11
Commission, Brachfield received a phone call from John Dion, Chief of the
USJD Counterespionage Section, and Bruce Swartz, Deputy Assistant Attorney
General for the USJD Criminal Division. There were several reasons for
this phone call, among them:
▪ To notify Brachfield that Berger was to testify before the 9/11
Commission on March 24.
▪ To notify Brachfield that he may be ultimately culpable for not
notifying the 9/11 Commission of Berger’s crime and, thus, his potential
for being an non-credible witness.
▪ To notify Brachfield that any disclosure of Berger’s crime to the
9/11 Commission could compromise the USJD investigation into said crime,
intimating a possible obstruction of justice charge.
Brachfield’s answer was no, the 9/11 Commission was never alerted to
Berger’s crime prior to his testimony.
In an April 9, 2004 meeting facilitated by Glenn Fine, the Inspector
General for the USJD, Brachfield advanced his concern that the USJD
investigation was fixated on only two of Berger’s four visits to the
National Archives, each visit allowing Berger to be in proximity to unique
and classified documents.
During this meeting Swartz insisted that Berger had been supervised “at
all times.” But this statement is in direct contradiction to statements
made by the senior National Archive official charged with Berger’s
supervision. In fact, this senior National Archives official, referred to
as “Senior Official 1” in the report, is on record as saying she,
“...would never know what, if any, original documents were missing.”
The meeting concluded with Fine finally exposing the fact that the FBI
hadn’t even questioned Berger about the first two visits.
As a result of the USJD’s apathetic investigation and prosecution of
Sandy Berger’s theft and destruction of unique and classified documents
from the National Archives, and as the result of a plea bargain authorized
by the USJD, Berger agreed to a $10,000 fine, a revocation of his
security clearance for three years and a lie detector test, which to this day has not been
administered. This sentence was augmented by US Magistrate Judge Deborah
Robinson who increased the fine to $50,000 and added two years probation
and 100 hours of community service. Robinson said, “The court finds that
the fine [recommended by government prosecutors] is inadequate because it
doesn't reflect the seriousness of the offense.”
Add to the Mix
While these are examples of the high-profile
instances of prosecutorial indifference toward illegal activity by those
of the Democrat Party, they are by no means the only ones.
Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV), was engaged in questionable land
dealings in his home state of Nevada yet the USJD expressed little
interest in investigating his actions.
Congressman William Jefferson (D-LA), was found to have $90,000 bundled
in his freezer in what investigators allege are spoils from a bribery
scandal. Two of Jefferson’s former aides pled guilty to aiding and
abetting the bribery of an elected official. To this date Jefferson has
not been charged.
For five years Senator Diane Feinstein (D-CA), sat on the Senate Appropriations
Committee’s subcommittee on military construction, which reviewed private
sector construction contracts for military projects. During this time, a
company owned and operated by Senator Feinstein’s husband received several
contracts administered by the subcommittee. No investigation is
pending.
The list goes on and on.
The Common Thread
The common thread to each of these
disparities where aggressive investigation and prosecution are concerned
is politics. If the perpetrator is of the Republican persuasion the
investigation and prosecution are aggressive and relentless. If the
perpetrator is of the left side of the aisle the investigation is
half-hearted or practically non-existent and the penalties are
consistently comprised of milquetoast plea bargains that are grossly
inadequate for the crime.
When one examines those who have piloted the USJD investigations and
prosecutions of political malfeasance one thing is abundantly clear. In
each instance the person charged with the investigation or prosecution was
a Clinton holdover or a Clinton appointee.
In the case of The Barrett Report and the investigation and prosecution
of Henry Cisneros, Lee Radek was intimately affiliated with not only the
DNC and Democrat rainmakers, but with the Clinton-Gore White House. Jo Ann
Harris who appointed Radek, was appointed by President Clinton.
In the case of Hillary Clinton’s campaign finance fraud, we again see
Lee Radek running interference against any credible investigation and
prosecution.
And where Sandy Berger’s travesty of justice is concerned:
▪ Glenn Fine, the Inspector General for the USJD, was appointed by Bill
Clinton, continued serving as a holdover from the Clinton Administration
into the Bush Administration and is on record as being an up-to-the-limit
donor to the DNC.
▪ Bruce Swartz, Deputy Assistant Attorney General for the USJD Criminal
Division, was appointed by Bill Clinton, continued serving as a holdover
from the Clinton Administration into the Bush Administration and is on
record as being an up-to-the-limit donor to the DNC.
▪ John Dion, Chief of the USJD Counterespionage Section at the USJD,
was a holdover from the Clinton Administration into the Bush
Administration and is on record as being an up-to-the-limit donor to the
DNC.
▪ Howard Sklamberg, USJD trial attorney from the public integrity unit,
was a holdover from the Clinton Administration into the Bush
Administration and is on record as being an up-to-the-limit donor to the
DNC.
It is apparent to anyone taking an honest look at the current situation
of the USJD that during the eight years of the Clinton Administration, the
Clinton White House loaded the United States Justice Department with
enough upper and mid-level political appointments and promotions to
circumvent any investigation and/or prosecution of crimes originating and
perpetrated at the hands of those on their “team.”
It is equally apparent that the Clinton White House intentionally
placed these people in positions where they could inflict the most
political damage on the opposition party by simply investigating until
either a crime was discovered or created, or there was enough dirt run
through the Clinton-friendly mainstream media to destroy the subject’s
credibility and ability to be effective.
The implications of a political and partisan United States Justice
Department are disturbing and lay the groundwork for the demise of our
Constitutional government, a government of laws such as it is. That
American justice would be administered politically on such a transparently
partisan scale lends itself to an image of a nation where political
corruption is accepted and political persecution is tolerated, which side
benefiting from both being decided by the spoils of a successful political
campaign and the patronage that includes.
Remember, Bill Clinton fired 93 US Attorneys when he came into office.
Perhaps now we can all understand why the Democrats are so up in arms over
President Bush firing eight.
“Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state
or persuasion, religious or political...”
–
Thomas Jefferson
Related
Reading:
United States
Department of Justice
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/US_Department_of_Justice
Act to Establish the Department of
Justice
http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ampage?collId=llsl&fileName=016/llsl016.db&recNum=197
It Pays to Have (Appointed) Friends in High
Places
http://www.newmediajournal.us/staff/fsalvato/politics/03212006.htm
The Fraudulent Senator: A New Media Journal
Original Seven Part Series
http://www.newmediajournal.us/daily_columns/the_fraudulent_senator.htm
The (Redacted) Barrett Report
http://barrett.oic.gov/finalreport/index.htm
Hillary Clinton Accountability Project
http://www.hillcap.org
Sandy Berger's Theft of Classified Documents:
Unanswered questions
Staff Report: US House of Representatives
Committee on Oversight and Government Reform
http://www.fas.org/irp/congress/2007_rpt/berger.pdf
Berger fined for taking papers
http://www.washingtontimes.com/national/20050909-122225-2387r.htm
Polygraph Berger: Department of Justice
Investigation Incomplete
http://www.humanevents.com/article.php?id=19708
Former National Security Advisor Samuel Berger
Pleads Guilty to Knowingly Removing Classified Information from The
National Archives
http://www.usdoj.gov/opa/pr/2005/April/05_crm_155.htm
Reid Got $1M in Land Sale
http://www.breitbart.com/article.php?id=D8KMJ8I00&show_article=1
William Jefferson
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_J._Jefferson#Corruption_investigation
Feinstein Conflict Allegations 'Aren't Going
Away,' Watchdogs Say
http://www.cnsnews.com/ViewPolitics.asp?Page=/Politics/archive/200705/POL20070508a.html
Frank Salvato is the
managing editor for The New Media Journal. He serves at the Executive Director
of the Basics Project, a non-profit, non-partisan, 501(C)(3)
research and education initiative. His pieces are regularly featured in
over 100 publications both nationally and internationally. He has appeared
on The O’Reilly Factor. He hosts The New Media Journal on BlogTalk Radio
and is a regular guest on The Right Balance with Greg Allen on the Accent
Radio Network and The Captain’s America on WWPR AM1490 in the Tampa Bay
area, as well as an occasional guest on The Bruce Elliott Show on WBAL
AM1090 in Baltimore and numerous radio shows coast to coast. His
organization, Basics Project, is partnered in producing the first-ever
national symposium series on the threat of radical Islamist terrorism. His
pieces have been recognized by the House International Relations Committee
and the Japan Center for Conflict. Mr. Salvato is available for public
speaking engagements. He
can be contacted at newmediajournal@comcast.net.