Did the Resolution
Condemning Turkey Create a Constitutional Crisis?
By Frank
Salvato
Recently, the House Foreign Affairs Committee, chaired by US
Rep. Tom Lantos (D-CA), passed a resolution that recognized the killing of up to 1.5
million Armenians by Ottoman Turks in 1915 as genocide. While the circumstances
surrounding the slaughter are disputed, the killings did occur. The larger
questions this action presents could very well be as disturbing as the killings
themselves. What was there to gain by issuing this non-binding resolution at
this moment in time? And, did the issuance of the non-binding resolution usurp
the Executive Branch’s authority to establish foreign policy?
Article II of the United States Constitution addresses the Executive Branch and in
specific the powers of the presidency. Section 3 of Article II reads:
“He shall from time to time give to the Congress
Information of the State of the Union, and recommend to their Consideration such
Measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on extraordinary
Occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them, and in Case of Disagreement
between them, with Respect to the Time of Adjournment, he may adjourn them to
such Time as he shall think proper; he shall receive Ambassadors and other
public Ministers; he shall take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed, and
shall Commission all the Officers of the United States.”
It is the part of Article II, Section 3 that states, “...he
shall receive Ambassadors and other public Ministers;...” that applies to the
issue set forth here.
Linda R. Monk, a constitutional scholar and a two-time
recipient of the American Bar Associations Silver Gavel Award for her work
pertaining to the Bill of Rights, explains in her book, The Words We Live By:
“The president is the nation’s chief diplomat and the sole
representative of the country when dealing with foreign powers. Other nations
are not allowed to lobby Congress directly, for example. The president’s power
to receive ambassadors is also the power to recognize foreign
governments.”
This fact-based interpretation of Article II, Section 3
indicates that the only elected or appointed official authorized to establish
and/or initiate foreign policy is the President of the United States. It is for
this reason that the actions of the State Department are authorized by the
Executive Branch and not the Legislative or Judicial Branches.
Conversely, the Legislative Branch of the US Government – the
House and the Senate – while having established committees that address the
issue of foreign relations, are limited to instituting legislation pertaining to
the financial aspect of US foreign relations.
On the House Foreign Relation Committees website it cedes the establishment of foreign policy to the
Executive Branch, stating unequivocally:
“Though the Executive Branch does take the lead on nearly
every aspect of foreign policy, the congressional committees have used their
"power of the purse" to exert influence upon the President’s agenda.”
The authority of the Executive Branch to establish foreign
policy recognized, two questions must be asked:
▪ What was the goal of the House Foreign Relations
Committee’s non-binding resolution recognizing, 90 years after the fact that and
in their opinion, that genocide had occurred against the Armenians at the hands
of Ottoman Turks?
▪ Did the issuance of the non-binding resolution (in essence
getting their opinion on record) usurp the Executive Branch’s authority to
establish foreign policy?
To reiterate, historical accuracy mandates that we
acknowledge that the killings did indeed occur, whether the circumstances
surrounding the killings are disputed or not. But at a time when we have US
soldiers in harms way, depending on access to critically located military bases
in Turkey for supplies, and as a bitter debate on the future course of the war
rages from Capitol Hill to the White House, the idea of advancing a resolution
that antagonizes a fragile alliance in the most troubled part of the world is
irresponsible.
Those of a more critical mind could very well argue that the
chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Tom Lantos (D-CA) – and
anti-war Secular Progressive Democrat – was abusing his position to illicit a
negative reaction from the Turkish government in the hope of seeing that
country’s cooperation with the US and Coalition military operations in Iraq come
to an end.
If Lantos and his committee did in fact advance this
non-binding resolution with the aim of effecting the relations between the
United States and Turkey it could be successfully argued that he and his
committee acted in defiance of the US Constitution, undermining the exclusive
province of the Executive Branch to establish foreign policy creating a
constitutional crisis.
The Democrat led 110th Congress has repeatedly attempted to
transgress the separation of powers in their efforts to force their bidding onto
the Executive Branch. In their efforts to destroy the Bush Administration they
have demonstrated a reckless disregard for the Charters of Freedom and made
plain their willingness to engage in devious behavior in their quest to attain
power. In this instance, the attempt – whether intentional or not – resulted in
the creation of an international incident that could very well bring about the
escalation of violence in the Iraqi theater.
The Democrat leadership in the House has quashed the idea of
bringing this malevolent and visionless resolution to the floor for a vote, but
the damage has been done. Foreign relations with a crucial partner in the
liberation and stabilization of Iraq have been compromised and the foundation of
our Constitutional Republic in the separation of powers has been threatened.
Elected officials must be held accountable for disregarding
the boundaries of their authority. We can ill-afford to allow the continued
transgression of the separation of powers by those who greedily seek to install
a Fifth Column-style hegemony over our government.
Whether through voter rebellion or by way of the initiation
of judicial action meant to preserve the tenets of the Constitution, we must
awaken from our ignorant slumber and perform our civic responsibility by holding
our elected officials accountable for their actions. We must demand that our
elected officials deliver good government over political opportunism. The
alternative is handing the next generation a dysfunctional government and a
nation that scantly resembles that which was conceived by our Founders. The
alternative is the death of the American Experiment.