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History of the
U.S. Tax
System
The federal, state, and local tax
systems in the United
States have been marked by
significant changes over the years in response to changing circumstances
and changes in the role of government. The types of taxes collected, their
relative proportions, and the magnitudes of the revenues collected are all
far different than they were 50 or 100 years ago. Some of these changes
are traceable to specific historical events, such as a war or the passage
of the 16th Amendment to the Constitution that granted the Congress the
power to levy a tax on personal income. Other changes were more gradual,
responding to changes in society, in our economy, and in the roles and
responsibilities that government has taken unto
itself.
For most of our nation's history,
individual taxpayers rarely had any significant contact with Federal tax
authorities as most of the Federal government's tax revenues were derived
from excise taxes, tariffs, and customs duties. Before the Revolutionary
War, the colonial government had only a limited need for revenue, while
each of the colonies had greater responsibilities and thus greater revenue
needs, which they met with different types of taxes. For example, the
southern colonies primarily taxed imports and exports, the middle colonies
at times imposed a property tax and a "head" or poll tax levied on each
adult male, and the New
England colonies raised revenue primarily
through general real estate taxes, excises taxes, and taxes based on
occupation.
England's need
for revenues to pay for its wars against
France led it
to impose a series of taxes on the American colonies. In 1765, the English
Parliament passed the Stamp Act, which was the first tax imposed directly
on the American colonies, and then Parliament imposed a tax on tea. Even
though colonists were forced to pay these taxes, they lacked
representation in the English Parliament. This led to the rallying cry of
the American Revolution that "taxation without representation is tyranny"
and established a persistent wariness regarding taxation as part of the
American culture.
The Articles of Confederation,
adopted in 1781, reflected the American fear of a strong central
government and so retained much of the political power in the States. The
national government had few responsibilities and no nationwide tax system,
relying on donations from the States for its revenue. Under the Articles,
each State was a sovereign entity and could levy tax as it
pleased.
When the Constitution was adopted
in 1789, the Founding Fathers recognized that no government could function
if it relied entirely on other governments for its resources, thus the
Federal Government was granted the authority to raise taxes. The
Constitution endowed the Congress with the power to "…lay and collect
taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, pay the Debts and provide for the
common Defense and general Welfare of the
United
States." Ever on guard
against the power of the central government to eclipse that of the states,
the collection of the taxes was left as the responsibility of the State
governments.
To pay the debts of the
Revolutionary War, Congress levied excise taxes on distilled spirits,
tobacco and snuff, refined sugar, carriages, property sold at auctions,
and various legal documents. Even in the early days of the Republic,
however, social purposes influenced what was taxed. For example,
Pennsylvania
imposed an excise tax on liquor sales partly "to restrain persons in low
circumstances from an immoderate use thereof." Additional support for such
a targeted tax came from property owners, who hoped thereby to keep their
property tax rates low, providing an early example of the political
tensions often underlying tax policy
decisions.
Though social policies sometimes
governed the course of tax policy even in the early days of the Republic,
the nature of these policies did not extend either to the collection of
taxes so as to equalize incomes and wealth, or for the purpose of
redistributing income or wealth. As Thomas Jefferson once wrote regarding
the "general Welfare" clause:
To take from
one, because it is thought his own industry and that of his father has
acquired too much, in order to spare to others who (or whose fathers) have
not exercised equal industry and skill, is to violate arbitrarily the
first principle of association, "to guarantee to everyone a free exercise
of his industry and the fruits acquired by
it."
With the establishment of the new
nation, the citizens of the various colonies now had proper democratic
representation, yet many Americans still opposed and resisted taxes they
deemed unfair or improper. In 1794, a group of farmers in southwestern
Pennsylvania
physically opposed the tax on whiskey, forcing President Washington to
send Federal troops to suppress the Whiskey Rebellion, establishing the
important precedent that the Federal government was determined to enforce
its revenue laws. The Whiskey Rebellion also confirmed, however, that the
resistance to unfair or high taxes that led to the Declaration of
Independence did not evaporate with the forming of a new, representative
government.
During the confrontation with
France in the
late 1790's, the Federal Government imposed the first direct taxes on the
owners of houses, land, slaves, and estates. These taxes are called direct
taxes because they are a recurring tax paid directly by the taxpayer to
the government based on the value of the item that is the basis for the
tax. The issue of direct taxes as opposed to indirect taxes played a
crucial role in the evolution of Federal tax policy in the following
years. When Thomas Jefferson was elected President in 1802, direct taxes
were abolished and for the next 10 years there were no internal revenue
taxes other than excises.
To raise money for the War of
1812, Congress imposed additional excise taxes, raised certain customs
duties, and raised money by issuing Treasury notes. In 1817 Congress
repealed these taxes, and for the next 44 years the Federal Government
collected no internal revenue. Instead, the Government received most of
its revenue from high customs duties and through the sale of public
land.
When the Civil War erupted, the
Congress passed the Revenue Act of 1861, which restored earlier excises
taxes and imposed a tax on personal incomes. The income tax was levied at
3 percent on all incomes higher than $800 a year. This tax on personal
income was a new direction for a Federal tax system based mainly on excise
taxes and customs duties. Certain inadequacies of the income tax were
quickly acknowledged by Congress and thus none was collected until the
following year.
By the spring of 1862 it was clear
the war would not end quickly and with the Union's debt
growing at the rate of $2 million daily it was equally clear the Federal
government would need additional revenues. On July 1,
1862 the Congress passed new excise
taxes on such items as playing cards, gunpowder, feathers, telegrams,
iron, leather, pianos, yachts, billiard tables, drugs, patent medicines,
and whiskey. Many legal documents were also taxed and license fees were
collected for almost all professions and
trades.
The 1862 law also made important
reforms to the Federal income tax that presaged important features of the
current tax. For example, a two-tiered rate structure was enacted, with
taxable incomes up to $10,000 taxed at a 3 percent rate and higher incomes
taxed at 5 percent. A standard deduction of $600 was enacted and a variety
of deductions were permitted for such things as rental housing, repairs,
losses, and other taxes paid. In addition, to assure timely collection,
taxes were "withheld at the source" by
employers.
The need for Federal revenue
declined sharply after the war and most taxes were repealed. By 1868, the
main source of Government revenue derived from liquor and tobacco taxes.
The income tax was abolished in 1872. From 1868 to 1913, almost 90 percent
of all revenue was collected from the remaining
excises.
Under the Constitution, Congress
could impose direct taxes only if they were levied in proportion to each
State's population. Thus, when a flat rate Federal income tax was enacted
in 1894, it was quickly challenged and in 1895 the U.S. Supreme Court
ruled it unconstitutional because it was a direct tax not apportioned
according to the population of each state.
Lacking the revenue from an income
tax and with all other forms of internal taxes facing stiff resistance,
from 1896 until 1910 the Federal government relied heavily on high tariffs
for its revenues. The War Revenue Act of 1899 sought to raise funds for
the Spanish-American War through the sale of bonds, taxes on recreational facilities used by
workers, and doubled taxes on beer and tobacco. A tax was even imposed on
chewing gum. The Act expired in 1902, so that Federal receipts fell from
1.7 percent of Gross Domestic Product to 1.3
percent.
While the War Revenue Act returned
to traditional revenue sources following the Supreme Court's 1895 ruling
on the income tax, debate on alternative revenue sources remained lively.
The nation was becoming increasingly aware that high tariffs and excise
taxes were not sound economic policy and often fell disproportionately on
the less affluent. Proposals to reinstate the income tax were introduced
by Congressmen from agricultural areas whose constituents feared a Federal
tax on property, especially on land, as a replacement for the
excises.
Eventually, the income tax debate
pitted southern and western Members of Congress representing more
agricultural and rural areas against the industrial northeast. The debate
resulted in an agreement calling for a tax, called an excise tax, to be
imposed on business income, and a Constitutional amendment to allow the
Federal government to impose tax on individuals' lawful incomes without
regard to the population of each State.
By 1913, 36 States had ratified
the 16th Amendment to the Constitution. In October, Congress passed a new
income tax law with rates beginning at 1 percent and rising to 7 percent
for taxpayers with income in excess of $500,000. Less than 1 percent of
the population paid income tax at the time. Form 1040 was introduced as
the standard tax reporting form and, though changed in many ways over the
years, remains in use today.
One of the problems with the new
income tax law was how to define "lawful" income. Congress addressed this
problem by amending the law in 1916 by deleting the word "lawful" from the
definition of income. As a result, all income became subject to tax, even
if it was earned by illegal means. Several years later, the Supreme Court
declared the Fifth Amendment could not be used by bootleggers and others
who earned income through illegal activities to avoid paying taxes.
Consequently, many who broke various laws associated with illegal
activities and were able to escape justice for these crimes were
incarcerated on tax evasion charges.
Prior to the enactment of the
income tax, most citizens were able to pursue their private economic
affairs without the direct knowledge of the government. Individuals earned
their wages, businesses earned their profits, and wealth was accumulated
and dispensed with little or no interaction with government entities. The
income tax fundamentally changed this relationship, giving the government
the right and the need to know about all manner of an individual or
business' economic life. Congress recognized the inherent invasiveness of
the income tax into the taxpayer's personal affairs and so in 1916 it
provided citizens with some degree of protection by requiring that
information from tax returns be kept
confidential.
The entry of the
United
States into World War I
greatly increased the need for revenue and Congress responded by passing
the 1916 Revenue Act. The 1916 Act raised the lowest tax rate from 1
percent to 2 percent and raised the top rate to 15 percent on taxpayers
with incomes in excess of $1.5 million. The 1916 Act also imposed taxes on
estates and excess business profits.
Driven by the war and largely
funded by the new income tax, by 1917 the Federal budget was almost equal
to the total budget for all the years between 1791 and 1916. Needing still
more tax revenue, the War Revenue Act of 1917 lowered exemptions and
greatly increased tax rates. In 1916, a taxpayer needed $1.5 million in
taxable income to face a 15 percent rate. By 1917 a taxpayer with only
$40,000 faced a 16 percent rate and the individual with $1.5 million faced
a tax rate of 67 percent.
Another revenue act was passed in
1918, which hiked tax rates once again, this time raising the bottom rate
to 6 percent and the top rate to 77 percent. These changes increased
revenue from $761 million in 1916 to $3.6 billion in 1918, which
represented about 25 percent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Even in
1918, however, only 5 percent of the population paid income taxes and yet
the income tax funded one-third of the cost of the
war.
The economy boomed during the
1920s and increasing revenues from the income tax followed. This allowed
Congress to cut taxes five times, ultimately returning the bottom tax rate
to 1 percent and the top rate down to 25 percent and reducing the Federal
tax burden as a share of GDP to 13 percent. As tax rates and tax
collections declined, the economy was strengthened
further.
In October of 1929 the stock
market crash marked the beginning of the Great Depression. As the economy
shrank, government receipts also fell. In 1932, the Federal government
collected only $1.9 billion, compared to $6.6 billion in 1920. In the face
of rising budget deficits which reached $2.7 billion in 1931, Congress
followed the prevailing economic wisdom at the time and passed the Tax Act
of 1932 which dramatically increased tax rates once again. This was
followed by another tax increase in 1936 that further improved the
government's finances while further weakening the economy. By 1936 the
lowest tax rate had reached 4 percent and the top rate was up to 79
percent. In 1939, Congress systematically codified the tax laws so that
all subsequent tax legislation until 1954 amended this basic code. The
combination of a shrunken economy and the repeated tax increases raised
the Federal government's tax burden to 6.8 percent of GDP by
1940.
The state of the economy during
the Great Depression led to passage of the Social Security Act in 1935.
This law provided payments known as "unemployment compensation" to workers
who lost their jobs. Other sections of the Act gave public aid to the
aged, the needy, the handicapped, and to certain minors. These programs
were financed by a 2 percent tax, one half of which was subtracted
directly from an employee's paycheck and one half collected from employers
on the employee's behalf. The tax was levied on the first $3,000 of the
employee's salary or wage.
Even before the United States
entered the Second World War, increasing defense spending and the need for
monies to support the opponents of Axis aggression led to the passage in
1940 of two tax laws that increased individual and corporate taxes, which
were followed by another tax hike in 1941. By the end of the war the
nature of the income tax had been fundamentally altered. Reductions in
exemption levels meant that taxpayers with taxable incomes of only $500
faced a bottom tax rate of 23 percent, while taxpayers with incomes over
$1 million faced a top rate of 94 percent. These tax changes increased
federal receipts from $8.7 billion in 1941 to $45.2 billion in 1945. Even
with an economy stimulated by war-time production, federal taxes as a
share of GDP grew from 7.6 percent in 1941 to 20.4 percent in 1945. Beyond
the rates and revenues, however, another aspect about the income tax that
changed was the increase in the number of income taxpayers from 4 million
in 1939 to 43 million in 1945.
Another important feature of the
income tax that changed was the return to income tax withholding as had
been done during the Civil War. This greatly eased the collection of the
tax for both the taxpayer and the Bureau of Internal Revenue. However, it
also greatly reduced the taxpayer's awareness of the amount of tax being
collected, i.e. it reduced the transparency of the tax, which made it
easier to raise taxes in the future.
Tax cuts following the war reduced
the Federal tax burden as a share of GDP from its wartime high of 20.9
percent in 1944 to 14.4 percent in 1950. However, the Korean War created a
need for additional revenues which, combined with the extension of Social
Security coverage to self-employed persons, meant that by 1952 the tax
burden had returned to 19.0 percent of GDP.
In 1953 the Bureau of Internal
Revenue was renamed the Internal Revenue Service (IRS), following a
reorganization of its function. The new name was chosen to stress the
service aspect of its work. By 1959, the IRS had become the world's
largest accounting, collection, and forms-processing organization.
Computers were introduced to automate and streamline its work and to
improve service to taxpayers. In 1961, Congress passed a law requiring
individual taxpayers to use their Social Security number as a means of tax
form identification. By 1967, all business and personal tax returns were
handled by computer systems, and by the late 1960s, the IRS had developed
a computerized method for selecting tax returns to be examined. This made
the selection of returns for audit fairer to the taxpayer and allowed the
IRS to focus its audit resources on those returns most likely to require
an audit.
Throughout the 1950s tax policy
was increasingly seen as a tool for raising revenue and for changing the
incentives in the economy, but also as a tool for stabilizing
macroeconomic activity. The economy remained subject to frequent boom and
bust cycles and many policymakers readily accepted the new economic policy
of raising or lowering taxes and spending to adjust aggregate demand and
thereby smooth the business cycle. Even so, however, the maximum tax rate
in 1954 remained at 87 percent of taxable income. While the income tax
underwent some manner of revision or amendment almost every year since the
major reorganization of 1954, certain years marked especially significant
changes. For example, the Tax Reform Act of 1969 reduced income tax rates
for individuals and private foundations.
Beginning in the late 1960s and
continuing through the 1970s the
United
States experienced
persistent and rising inflation rates, ultimately reaching 13.3 percent in
1979. Inflation has a deleterious effect on many aspects of an economy,
but it also can play havoc with an income tax system unless appropriate
precautions are taken. Specifically, unless the tax system's parameters,
i.e. its brackets and its fixed exemptions, deductions, and credits, are
indexed for inflation, a rising price level will steadily shift taxpayers
into ever higher tax brackets by reducing the value of those exemptions
and deductions.
During this time, the income tax
was not indexed for inflation and so, driven by a rising inflation, and
despite repeated legislated tax cuts, the tax burden rose from 19.4
percent of GDP to 20.8 percent of GDP. Combined with high marginal tax
rates, rising inflation, and a heavy regulatory burden, this high tax
burden caused the economy to under-perform badly, all of which laid the
groundwork for the Reagan tax cut, also known as the Economic Recovery Tax
Act of 1981.
The Economic Recovery Tax Act of
1981, which enjoyed strong bi-partisan support in the Congress,
represented a fundamental shift in the course of federal income tax
policy. Championed in principle for many years by then-Congressman Jack
Kemp (R-NY) and then-Senator Bill Roth (R- DE), it featured a 25 percent
reduction in individual tax brackets, phased in over 3 years, and indexed
for inflation thereafter. This brought the top tax bracket down to 50
percent.
The 1981 Act also featured a
dramatic departure in the treatment of business outlays for plant and
equipment, i.e. capital cost recovery, or tax depreciation. Heretofore,
capital cost recovery had attempted roughly to follow a concept known as
economic depreciation, which refers to the decline in the market value of
a producing asset over a specified period of time. The 1981 Act explicitly
displaced the notion of economic depreciation, instituting instead the
Accelerated Cost Recovery System which greatly reduced the disincentive
facing business investment and ultimately prepared the way for the
subsequent boom in capital formation. In addition to accelerated cost
recovery, the 1981 Act also instituted a 10 percent Investment Tax Credit
to spur additional capital formation.
Prior to, and in many circles even
after the 1981 tax cut, the prevailing view was that tax policy is most
effective in modulating aggregate demand whenever demand and supply become
mismatched, i.e. whenever the economy went in to recession or became
"over-heated". The 1981 tax cut represented a new way of looking at tax
policy, though it was in fact a return to a more traditional, or
neoclassical, economic perspective. The essential idea was that taxes have
their first and primary effect on the economic incentives facing
individuals and businesses. Thus, the tax rate on the last dollar earned,
i.e. the marginal dollar, is much more important to economic activity than
the tax rate facing the first dollar earned or than the average tax rate.
By reducing marginal tax rates it was believed the natural forces of
economic growth would be less restrained. The most productive individuals
would then shift more of their energies to productive activities rather
than leisure and businesses would take advantage of many more now
profitable opportunities. It was also thought that reducing marginal tax
rates would significantly expand the tax base as individuals shifted more
of their income and activities into taxable forms and out of tax-exempt
forms.
The 1981 tax cut actually
represented two departures from previous tax policy philosophies, one
explicit and intended and the second by implication. The first change was
the new focus on marginal tax rates and incentives as the key factors in
how the tax system affects economic activity. The second policy departure
was the de facto shift away from income taxation and toward taxing
consumption. Accelerated cost recovery was one manifestation of this shift
on the business side, but the individual side also saw a significant shift
in the enactment of various provisions to reduce the multiple taxation of
individual saving. The Individual Retirement Account, for example, was
enacted in 1981.
Simultaneously with the enactment
of the tax cuts in 1981 the Federal Reserve Board, with the full support
of the Reagan Administration, altered monetary policy so as to bring
inflation under control. The Federal Reserve's actions brought inflation
down faster and further than was anticipated at the time, and one consequence was that the economy fell
into a deep recession in 1982. Another consequence of the collapse in
inflation was that federal spending levels, which had been predicated on a
higher level of expected inflation, were suddenly much higher in
inflation-adjusted terms. The combination of the tax cuts, the recession,
and the one-time increase in inflation-adjusted federal spending produced
historically high budget deficits which, in turn, led to a tax increase in
1984 that pared back some of the tax cuts enacted in 1981, especially on
the business side.
As inflation came down and as more
and more of the tax cuts from the 1981 Act went into effect, the economic
began a strong and sustained pattern of growth. Though the painful
medicine of disinflation slowed and initially hid the process, the
beneficial effects of marginal rate cuts and reductions in the
disincentives to invest took hold as
promised.
The Social Security system
remained essentially unchanged from its enactment until 1956. However,
beginning in 1956 Social Security began an almost steady evolution as more
and more benefits were added, beginning with the addition of Disability
Insurance benefits. In 1958, benefits were extended to dependents of
disabled workers. In 1967, disability benefits were extended to widows and
widowers. The 1972 amendments provided for automatic cost-of-living
benefits.
In 1965, Congress enacted the
Medicare program, providing for the medical needs of persons aged 65 or
older, regardless of income. The 1965 Social Security Amendments also
created the Medicaid programs, which provides
medical assistance for persons with low incomes and
resources.
Of course, the expansions of
Social Security and the creation of Medicare and Medicaid required
additional tax revenues, and thus the basic payroll tax was repeatedly
increased over the years. Between 1949 and 1962 the payroll tax rate
climbed steadily from its initial rate of 2 percent to 6 percent. The
expansions in 1965 led to further rate increases, with the combined
payroll tax rate climbing to 12.3 percent in 1980. Thus, in 31 years the
maximum Social Security tax burden rose from a mere $60 in 1949 to $3,175
in 1980.
Despite the increased payroll tax
burden, the benefit expansions Congress enacted in previous years led the
Social Security program to an acute funding
crises in the early 1980s. Eventually, Congress legislated some minor programmatic changes in Social
Security benefits, along with an increase in the payroll tax rate to 15.3
percent by 1990. Between 1980 and 1990, the maximum Social Security
payroll tax burden more than doubled to
$7,849.
Following the enactment of the
1981, 1982, and 1984 tax changes there was a growing sense that the income
tax was in need of a more fundamental overhaul. The economic boom
following the 1982 recession convinced many political leaders of both
parties that lower marginal tax rates were essential to a strong economy,
while the constant changing of the law instilled in policy makers an
appreciation for the complexity of the tax system. Further, the debates
during this period led to a general understanding of the distortions
imposed on the economy, and the lost jobs and wages, arising from the many
peculiarities in the definition of the tax base. A new and broadly held
philosophy of tax policy developed that the income tax would be greatly
improved by repealing these various special provisions and lowering tax
rates further. Thus, in his 1984 State of the Union speech President
Reagan called for a sweeping reform of the income tax so it would have a
broader base and lower rates and would be fairer, simpler, and more
consistent with economic efficiency.
The culmination of this effort was
the Tax Reform Act of 1986, which brought the top statutory tax rate down
from 50 percent to 28 percent while the corporate tax rate was reduced
from 50 percent to 35 percent. The number of tax brackets was reduced and
the personal exemption and standard deduction amounts were increased and
indexed for inflation, thereby relieving millions of taxpayers of any
Federal income tax burden. However, the Act also created new personal and
corporate Alternative Minimum Taxes, which proved to be overly
complicated, unnecessary, and economically
harmful.
The 1986 Tax Reform Act was
roughly revenue neutral, that is, it was not intended to raise or lower
taxes, but it shifted some of the tax burden from individuals to
businesses. Much of the increase in the tax on business was the result of
an increase in the tax on business capital formation. It achieved some
simplifications for individuals through the elimination of such things as
income averaging, the deduction for consumer interest, and the deduction
for state and local sales taxes. But in many respects the Act greatly
added to the complexity of business taxation, especially in the area of
international taxation. Some of the over-reaching provisions of the Act
also led to a downturn in the real estate markets which played a
significant role in the subsequent collapse of the Savings and Loan
industry.
Seen in a broader picture, the
1986 tax act represented the penultimate installment of an extraordinary
process of tax rate reductions. Over the 22 year period from 1964 to 1986
the top individual tax rate was reduced from 91 to 28 percent. However,
because upper-income taxpayers increasingly chose to receive their income
in taxable form, and because of the broadening of the tax base, the progressivity of the tax system actually rose during
this period.
The 1986 tax act also represented
a temporary reversal in the evolution of the tax system. Though called an
income tax, the Federal tax system had for many years actually been a
hybrid income and consumption tax, with the balance shifting toward or
away from a consumption tax with many of the major tax acts. The 1986 tax
act shifted the balance once again toward the income tax. Of greatest
importance in this regard was the return to references to economic
depreciation in the formulation of the capital cost recovery system and
the significant new restrictions on the use of Individual Retirement
Accounts.
Between 1986 and 1990 the Federal
tax burden rose as a share of GDP from 17.5 to 18 percent. Despite this
increase in the overall tax burden, persistent budget deficits due to even
higher levels of government spending created near constant pressure to
increase taxes. Thus, in 1990 the Congress enacted a significant tax
increase featuring an increase in the top tax rate to 31 percent. Shortly
after his election, President Clinton insisted on and the Congress enacted
a second major tax increase in 1993 in which the top tax rate was raised
to 36 percent and a 10 percent surcharge was added, leaving the effective
top tax rate at 39.6 percent. Clearly, the trend toward lower marginal tax
rates had been reversed, but, as it turns out, only
temporarily.
The Taxpayer Relief Act of 1997
made additional changes to the tax code providing a modest tax cut. The
centerpiece of the 1997 Act was a significant new tax benefit to certain
families with children through the Per Child Tax credit. The truly
significant feature of this tax relief, however, was that the credit was
refundable for many lower-income families. That is, in many cases the
family paid a "negative" income tax, or received a credit in excess of
their pre-credit tax liability. Though the tax system had provided for
individual tax credits before, such as the Earned Income Tax credit, the
Per Child Tax credit began a new trend in federal tax policy. Previously
tax relief was generally given in the form of lower tax rates or increased
deductions or exemptions. The 1997 Act really launched the modern
proliferation of individual tax credits and especially refundable credits
that are in essence spending programs operating through the tax
system.
The years immediately following
the 1993 tax increase also saw another trend continue, which was to once
again shift the balance of the hybrid income tax-consumption tax toward
the consumption tax. The movement in this case was entirely on the
individual side in the form of a proliferation of tax vehicles to promote
purpose-specific saving. For example, Medical Savings Accounts were
enacted to facilitate saving for medical expenses. An Education IRA and
the Section 529 Qualified Tuition Program was enacted to help taxpayers
pay for future education expenses. In addition, a new form of saving
vehicle was enacted, called the Roth IRA, which differed from other
retirement savings vehicles like the traditional IRA and employer-based
401(k) plans in that contributions were made in after-tax dollars and
distributions were tax free.
Despite the higher tax rates,
other economic fundamentals such as low inflation and low interest rates,
an improved international picture with the collapse of the
Soviet
Union, and the advent of a qualitatively and quantitatively new information
technologies led to a strong economic performance throughout the
1990s. This, in turn, led to an extraordinary increase in the aggregate
tax burden, with Federal taxes as a share of GDP reaching a postwar high
of 20.8 percent in 2000.
By 2001, the total tax take had
produced a projected unified budget surplus of $281 billion, with a
cumulative 10 year projected surplus of $5.6 trillion. Much of this
surplus reflected a rising tax burden as a share of GDP due to the
interaction of rising real incomes and a progressive tax rate structure.
Consequently, under President George W. Bush's leadership the Congress
halted the projected future increases in the tax burden by passing the
Economic Growth and Tax Relief and Reconciliation Act of 2001. The
centerpiece of the 2001 tax cut was to regain some of the ground lost in
the 1990s in terms of lower marginal tax rates. Though the rate reductions
are to be phased in over many years, ultimately the top tax rate will fall
from 39.6 percent to 33 percent.
The 2001 tax cut represented a
resumption of a number of other trends in tax policy. For example, it
expanded the Per Child Tax credit from $500 to $1000 per child. It also
increased the Dependent Child Tax credit. The 2001 tax cut also continued
the move toward a consumption tax by expanding a variety of savings
incentives. Another feature of the 2001 tax cut that is particularly
noteworthy is that it put the estate, gift, and generation-skipping taxes
on course for eventual repeal, which is also another step toward a
consumption tax. One novel feature of the 2001 tax cut compared to most
large tax bills is that it was almost devoid of business tax
provisions.
The 2001 tax cut will provide
additional strength to the economy in the coming years as more and more of
its provisions are phased in, and indeed one argument for its enactment
had always been as a form of insurance against an economic downturn.
However, unbeknownst to the Bush Administration and the Congress, the
economy was already in a downturn as the Act was being debated.
Thankfully, the downturn was brief and shallow, but it is already clear
that the tax cuts that were enacted and went into effect in 2001 played a
significant role in supporting the economy, shortening the duration of the
downturn, and preparing the economy for a robust
recovery.
One lesson from the economic
slowdown was the danger of ever taking a strong economy for granted. The
strong growth of the 1990s led to talk of a "new" economy that many
assumed was virtually recession proof. The popularity of this assumption
was easy to understand when one considers that there had only been one
very mild recession in the previous 18 years.
Taking this lesson to heart, and
despite the increasing benefits of the 2001 tax cut and the early signs of
a recovery, President Bush called for and the Congress eventually enacted
an economic stimulus bill. The bill included an extension of unemployment
benefits to assist those workers and families under financial stress due
to the downturn. The bill also included a provision to providing a
temporary but significant acceleration of depreciation allowances for
business investment, thereby assuring that the recovery and expansion will
be strong and balanced. Interestingly, the depreciation provision also
means that the Federal tax on business has resumed its evolution toward a
consumption tax, once again paralleling the trend in individual
taxation. |